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Therefore, it can be applied to a broader range of regions than the other models, which turned out to be difficult to transfer to structurally weak regions.

The OECD recently published the first indepth empirical study on the concept of learning regions. With the help of an interesting mix of a quantitative correlation analysis and a qualitative analysis on the basis of case-studies several conceptual relationships of the learning region are investigated.

Other recent empirical studies on the learning region include work on the central part of the Ruhr Area in Germany by Pommeranz and on the Graz Region in Austria by Scheff Moreover, the learning region concept has arrived in one form or another on the desks of regional policy-makers in Europe for quite some time now.

The popularity of the German term can be explained through the federal programme called Lernende Region, which is partly funded by the European Social Fund www.

Furthermore, partly based on the learning region concept, the EU has started a new generation of regional policies Landabaso et al.

In sum, the learning region concept could serve to solve the question what distinguishes 'good' from 'bad' industrial agglomerations.

Traditional theoretical concepts as well as recent studies on regional networking and collective learning in Europe not only focus too much on success regions, they also lack the equipment to distinguish 'good' industrial agglomerations.

The limited learning ability of regional actors could be the explanatory factor why the co-ordination of collective activities in some regions turns from a strength into a weakness path dependence.

Since, conceptually, the learning region is regarded as most focused on overcoming and avoiding political lock-ins in old industrial areas, the following section will analyse whether learning region strategies are applied in declining regional economies in order to unlock them from negative path dependency.

Learning region strategies in old industrial areas? This section will verify whether learning region strategies are applied to unlock regional economic path dependency in two highly specialised, declining old industrial areas, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern in Germany, which has an economy dominated by the shipbuilding industry, and Daegu in South Korea, which is specialised in textile industry.

In order to save the industry from total collapse, a political consensus was built between various interest groups on different geographical levels: yard managers, workers councils, regional trade unions, mayors of yard cities, regional policy-makers as well as the representatives of the German 13 Shipbuilding and Ocean Industries Association and the Co-ordinator for the Maritime Economy in the Federal Ministry of Economics and Technology.

Dissolution of the state-owned enterprise and privatisation were the strategies applied by the German national and regional government. Nowadays the yards are in the hands of mainly Scandinavian of shipbuilding concerns.

The modernisation of the production capacities was mainly financed by subsidies provided by the German government, the state of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and the European Union.

For each DM of state aid only about 0. In order to avoid a strong increase in over-capacity, the federal government and the European Commission agreed that the shipyards in MecklenburgVorpommern were not allowed to build more ships than a certain annual capacity limit until That is not only shown by the large amount of subsidies made available for the shipbuilding industry, it is also shown by the successful lobby of the consensus group of actors to release the EU capacity limitation and to sue the South Korean government at the WTO for supposedly illegally supporting Korean yards.

It would be unfair, however, to make the impression that the regional industrial policy is only active in lobbying activities in order to preserve existing structures.

It does also a lot to support innovative small companies and 14 innovation projects. However, these projects, such as the Maritime Alliance in the framework of the federal support programme InnoRegio, also mainly support the innovativeness of the existing cluster.

In a recent paper, Cho discusses the restructuring process of the textile industry cluster of Daegu, the third largest city in South Korea Figure 2 , a process I analysed myself, as well, during field-work last year in South Korea.

The cluster, which started to grow in the s and which geographically consists of Daegu, Gumi and Gyeongsan, is characterised by a specialisation in the production and weaving of chemical fibres and has been strongly focusing on export.

Textile business constitutes the largest segment of manufacturing in Daegu: The high rate of automation in the s brought about problems of overcapacity and overproduction, which in turn led to financial difficulties in textile business.

Moreover, textile companies were faced with increasing competition from low-cost neighbouring countries, China in particular, and a shift of Korean producers to China in the s.

Forty years of path dependent evolution led to a specialisation in the narrow low-value added and low-tech middle stream of the textile value chain, whereas high-value added and high-tech downstream activities were nearly totally absent.

Milano is a symbolic target for the high-road restructuring of textile in Daegu. The main promoters of the project, the central government and the City of Daegu, aim at promoting both new activities fashion and design and projects with new actors research institutes, universities, design schools, banks etc.

Therefore resistance to and conflict around the restructuring are widely witnessed in the process of project implementation.

It shows that lockins oppose learning initiatives to restructure the regional economy. The above presented cases share with each other the problems of regional economic decline and path dependency and to some extent also political lock-ins.

Although in most cases we can find 16 the broad set of innovation-related regional actors politicians, policy-makers, chambers of commerce, trade unions, higher education institutes, public research establishments and companies that are strongly, but flexibly connected with each other, we can call none of them a learning region.

In neither of the regions we can observe a carefully identifying of resources in the region that could impede economic development lock-ins , nor did the regional actors positively respond to changes from outside, particularly where this involves unlearning.

On the contrary, in many ways the regions are characterised by negative responses to changes from outside. Furthermore, what is lacking in the regions is an encouraging openness to impulses from outside and a fostering of redundancy and variety.

These cases have shown how difficult it is to set up a learning region strategy in declining, mono-structural economies due to political lock-ins.

They have also shown that in both regions the national and supranational institutional level increasingly affects the leeway of regional actors.

A learning region strategy, therefore, will not be successful if it ignores the impact of national and even international innovation systems on interfirm co-operation and innovative behaviour.

Despite these problems, the learning region concept potentially certainly bears potentials to become a theoretical basis for modern regional innovation policies.

Learning regions and regional innovation systems can be seen as an "intellectual basis for the development of particular forms of sub-national intervention" OECD, , p.

Therefore geographers and planners dealing with the learning region seem to belong to the "significant numbers of economic geographers [who] have been working on policy-relevant topics and problems, including This clearly can be judged positively seen against the background of the observed decrease in public policy relevance of geography research, 17 in general Martin, In comparison with other concepts in economic geography, the theoryled learning region concept is even more focused on a direct transfer of academic insights to local and regional innovation policies.

Despite this merit, three weaknesses prevent the learning region from becoming a fully-fledged theoretical concept in regional studies for another critical voice see Hudson, First, one group of authors hardly define the concept see for instance Boekema et al.

In this group of literature seldom concrete examples are shown. To make thing worst, most policy-makers, who have been eager to use the concept as a label for their development plans, do not make efforts to define what they mean by learning regions.

Secondly, and to some extent contradictory to the first point, the learning region can be considered a normative concept from the perspective of the OECD study on learning regions OECD, The learning region is also in many ways a normative concept.

As shown in section 2. In contrast to other concepts with an empirical base, such as industrial districts, it clearly has a normative outlook.

Moreover, since learning is a process which takes place in any economy at any time, treating the learning region or learning economy as a model is questionable.

There is much written about what the ideal learning region is, but little is understood about how we get there. As long as we do not know enough about the learning processes that lead to a learning region strategy, we cannot speak about a learning region yet.

Speaking about learning regions, one should namely not forget the role of nations and industries. In order to stay competitive, companies must integrate locally specific competence with codified, generally available knowledge, or, in other words, they must link their own innovation systems with national innovation systems and international knowledge flows Bathelt et al.

According to Gertler the increasing impact of national regulatory and innovation systems on the behaviour and strategy of individual firms narrows the leeway for regional innovation policy.

Furthermore, depending on national political-administrative systems, the leeway for developing learning regions strategies differs considerably.

A learning region strategy, therefore, will not be successful if it ignores the impact of national and even international innovation systems on inter-firm co-operation and innovative behaviour.

Moreover, the learning region concept does not pay much attention to industry differences and the position of firms in global production networks.

By stressing the supply architecture for learning and innovation, it tends to neglect that "different kinds of products will 'demand' different kinds of innovation systems" Storper, , p.

Regional learning processes, therefore, vary to a large extent, depending on the industry and the position of firms in global production networks.

Most regional policy-makers, however, have little knowledge about the global production networks regional firms are embedded in Herrigel, Since the economic well-being of firms is increasingly affected by their position in global production networks, policymakers have more and more difficulties to update their firm and industry knowledge which is necessary for a tailor-made regional innovation policy.

Regional learning is therefore less and less 19 confined to the local, whereas learning region strategy mainly focus on supporting intra-regional learning processes.

Due to these weaknesses, I have difficulties in using the term learning region. In order to develop a learning region strategy, we first need to understand the different learning processes that take place in the different clusters we can find in regions.

Therefore I want to propose a related, but slightly different concept, that of the learning cluster. I think the learning cluster concept is able to bridge the gap between regional learning, which increasingly crosses the borders of regions and nations due to the globalisation of production networks, and the learning region strategy, which focuses on the regional SMEs active in a variety of different clusters with different characteristics.

It is a concept that combines the strengths of both the learning region and clusters concept in tackling the problem of lock-ins in regional economies.

Like learning regions, clusters, therefore, seem to be an 20 empirical and theoretical basis for newly oriented regional innovation policies Koschatzky, The latter seems to be much more an undefined buzzword in the regional development industry.

First, they are less normative and more process-oriented in character. Secondly, they are geographically less confined to political-administrative borders.

The supporting institutions of a cluster strategy follow their companies along the lines of the global production network. At the same time, however, clusters have a significant weakness that could be compensated for by the learning region strategy.

The cluster approach lacks namely strategies on how to prevent the emergence of negative lock-ins and path dependency in regional economies. The learning region strategy, in contrast, does pay attention to these dangers, as it applies lock-in avoiding principles.

The main actors in such a strategy share a reflective attitude and are prepared to change a winning team. In addition, I am grateful to two anonymous referees for their useful comments on my paper.

The usual disclaimers apply, however, and responsibility for the paper's content rests solely with me. Hannover: ARL.

Boekema, K. Morgan, S. Bakkers, R. Rutten Eds. Edquist Ed Systems of innovation: technologies, institutions and organizations, pp. London, Washington: Pinter.

Dohse, R. Soltwedel Eds. Innovation Clusters and Interregional Competition, pp. Berlin: Springer. Eckey, D. You have performed an impressive process and our entire neighborhood can be thankful to you.

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